CHINA, JOURNALISM AND THE STATE SERIES: Hard Times For Journalists and Writers
[See Series Introduction -- the Editors]
By Stephy Zhai
Late last year, Li Boguang, a Chinese journalist and advocate for poor farmers was detained for unspecified alleged criminal offenses in Fujian Province. The action announced against Mr. Li followed closely the detention of several other writers as Chinese authorities, concerned over the public anger at official abuses, intensified a crackdown on the media.
"We took him in on a Friday. His activities here constitute a criminal offense," said a police official in Fu'an, a city in southeastern China's Fujian province. He gave the reporter only his surname, Zheng.
Li hadn't yet been formally arrested, Zheng said.
But, "We have reason enough to charge him," Zheng said. "I don't want to tell you for what crime. We are now detaining him for 15 days. We can prolong it to one month if we need to."
Sound familiar?
As it almost always does, word of Li's detention first came from an overseas human rights group. Li had run into trouble for working with farmers in Fu'an, who accused local officials of corruption.
In an article posted on the Internet in October, Li wrote that he planned to return to Fu'an despite threats by officials that he and another reporter, Zhao Yan, would be "thrown to the sharks."
According to that article, Li and Zhao were helping farmers in Fu'an to petition the central government for help in a land use dispute with local officials.
Zhao was arrested in September and accused of "leaking state secrets," a few months after he began working as a research assistant for the Beijing bureau of The New York Times. The status and facts of his most recent case are very unclear.
Zhao, who had worked for a Chinese magazine, was well known for exposing official abuses. He was a political activist and had already spent three years in prison after taking part in a failed attempt to create a new political party.
Pu Zhiqiang, a lawyer in Beijing who has represented other writers involved in farmers' rights cases, said he received a call over a weekend saying Li had run into trouble in Fujian.
"I'm not clear about Li's situation now. As a civilian lawyer, I don't handle criminal cases," Pu told a reporter in a telephone interview. "I can't help if he's caught on criminal charges."
More recently, activists Yu Jie and Liu Xiaobo, whose writings frequently criticized the Communist Party, were detained overnight in Beijing and questioned.
All of this is why I think Chinese political development must go along at the same pace as the economical development. These tragedies of free speech happened because today there is a regression in Chinese politics.
The media no longer plays up the themes of dictatorship of the proletariat and class struggle. One reason is that this line of propaganda was used as sort of a magical potion by the Gang of Four, who were overthrown and repudiated. Another reason, which is even more important, is that the people have had enough of it and can no longer be deceived.
By Stephy Zhai
Late last year, Li Boguang, a Chinese journalist and advocate for poor farmers was detained for unspecified alleged criminal offenses in Fujian Province. The action announced against Mr. Li followed closely the detention of several other writers as Chinese authorities, concerned over the public anger at official abuses, intensified a crackdown on the media.
"We took him in on a Friday. His activities here constitute a criminal offense," said a police official in Fu'an, a city in southeastern China's Fujian province. He gave the reporter only his surname, Zheng.
Li hadn't yet been formally arrested, Zheng said.
But, "We have reason enough to charge him," Zheng said. "I don't want to tell you for what crime. We are now detaining him for 15 days. We can prolong it to one month if we need to."
Sound familiar?
As it almost always does, word of Li's detention first came from an overseas human rights group. Li had run into trouble for working with farmers in Fu'an, who accused local officials of corruption.
In an article posted on the Internet in October, Li wrote that he planned to return to Fu'an despite threats by officials that he and another reporter, Zhao Yan, would be "thrown to the sharks."
According to that article, Li and Zhao were helping farmers in Fu'an to petition the central government for help in a land use dispute with local officials.
Zhao was arrested in September and accused of "leaking state secrets," a few months after he began working as a research assistant for the Beijing bureau of The New York Times. The status and facts of his most recent case are very unclear.
Zhao, who had worked for a Chinese magazine, was well known for exposing official abuses. He was a political activist and had already spent three years in prison after taking part in a failed attempt to create a new political party.
Pu Zhiqiang, a lawyer in Beijing who has represented other writers involved in farmers' rights cases, said he received a call over a weekend saying Li had run into trouble in Fujian.
"I'm not clear about Li's situation now. As a civilian lawyer, I don't handle criminal cases," Pu told a reporter in a telephone interview. "I can't help if he's caught on criminal charges."
More recently, activists Yu Jie and Liu Xiaobo, whose writings frequently criticized the Communist Party, were detained overnight in Beijing and questioned.
All of this is why I think Chinese political development must go along at the same pace as the economical development. These tragedies of free speech happened because today there is a regression in Chinese politics.
The media no longer plays up the themes of dictatorship of the proletariat and class struggle. One reason is that this line of propaganda was used as sort of a magical potion by the Gang of Four, who were overthrown and repudiated. Another reason, which is even more important, is that the people have had enough of it and can no longer be deceived.
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