CHINA, POLITICS, Analysis: Lien Chan’s Step of a Thousand Miles
By Anita Sun
In the autumn of 1949, the Kuomintang planes took off from the airport in Shanghai with the rumble of cannons and gunfire at their backs. No one had expected such a rapid retreat, not the United States, not even the Kuomintang themselves.
When Lien Chan, the Kuomintang president, stepped on this land again, it was exactly fifty-six years later. He had come to shake hands with the mainland. Let us not emphasize the war fought sixty years ago, because at this harmonious stage, a single mention of the long-ago dispute could be considered ill-intentioned.
The highest leaders of both parties had not met since the 1946 Chongqing Negotiations. Over the ensuing six decades, the highest leadership of the CCP passed through four generations, from Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, to Hu Jintao; the duplicate happened to the Kuomintang: from Jiang Kai-shek, Jiang Jingguo, Li Denghui, to Lien Chan. The fourth leadership of both sides had run beyond their second and third predecessors, and had finally come to a joint point.
If we are careful enough, we cannot fail to discover that Lien's visit was not all about flowers and applause, but about risks and opposition as well--and the protest is not too weak. A survey done to determine the popularity of Lien's visit found a 70% approval rating on the mainland. To our relief, it is a majority, yet it is not an absolute majority.
Opposition largely derives from the advocates of Taiwan independence. In light of the interests of the party, the Kuomintang, and Mr. Lien Chan, he risked much of his own interests in making the historical visit. "Mr. Lien put his own fame beyond consideration," said Mr. Shen, a member of the standing committee of the Taiwan Legislation Congress. "The Kuomintang used to lack the courage to express its will of unity, and they dared not visit the mainland for fear of losing voters. But Mr. Lien broke this terrible stalemate," Mr. Shen said.
The visit, although lasting only eight days, proved to be an epochal leap forward. After so many years, the two parties finally joined hands again, for the single fact that they both recognize themselves as Chinese, with the same blood and cultural heritage. They both realize that the country will go nowhere unless they make joint efforts to combat Taiwan independence.
The Kuomintang, whether in or out of office, has always been against Taiwan independence. However, in recent years in Taiwan, the notion of independence gained strength and spurred Chen Shuibian's rise to power.
As for Lien Chan personally, he, too, underwent some dramatic changes. His position has grown clearer and more determined. Lien had expected a sound success by the Kuomintang in the 2004 Taiwan election; the result was more than just a great surprise to him. From that moment on, Lien sensed that the danger of secession was imminent. Something had to be done. Mr. Lien called his trip "a visit of peace"; he planned it on the basis of rationality, mutual trust, and mutual respect.
Although the Kuomintang is a party out of office and may not have the administrative power to exercise the fruits of the talks, Mr. Lien's visit still takes on substantial meaning. It is this visit that makes the Chen Shuibian administration feel pressed and dilemmatic.
In this general atmosphere of peace and reconciliation, if Chen Shuibian rejects the positive results of the visit, he will put some of his supporting base at stake. In fact, some gestures on Chen's part have proven that he knows this--he has shifted from his previous claim of "bringing (those who visit the mainland) to justice," to a "wish of blessing."
Mr. Lien Chan's visit was a successful prelude. It provided an unprecedented opportunity for real cross-channel talks. When unity is no longer a demand of an individual party but of the majority, the Taiwan authorities will have no alternative but to consider the mainstream request, lest it fall into passivity.
It took 56 years to cross the strait, yet it was not too late. When we come to look at those long years of remoteness across the strait; when we come to look at the obstacles set between us by Li Denghui and Chen Shuibian; when we come to look at the crowds congregated at Taipei's Zhongzheng Airport--not to see him off, but to protest his going--we immediately sense what immense courage it required for Mr. Lien Chan to step out; and it is exactly this difficulty that makes it a step of a thousand miles.
In the autumn of 1949, the Kuomintang planes took off from the airport in Shanghai with the rumble of cannons and gunfire at their backs. No one had expected such a rapid retreat, not the United States, not even the Kuomintang themselves.
When Lien Chan, the Kuomintang president, stepped on this land again, it was exactly fifty-six years later. He had come to shake hands with the mainland. Let us not emphasize the war fought sixty years ago, because at this harmonious stage, a single mention of the long-ago dispute could be considered ill-intentioned.
The highest leaders of both parties had not met since the 1946 Chongqing Negotiations. Over the ensuing six decades, the highest leadership of the CCP passed through four generations, from Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, to Hu Jintao; the duplicate happened to the Kuomintang: from Jiang Kai-shek, Jiang Jingguo, Li Denghui, to Lien Chan. The fourth leadership of both sides had run beyond their second and third predecessors, and had finally come to a joint point.
If we are careful enough, we cannot fail to discover that Lien's visit was not all about flowers and applause, but about risks and opposition as well--and the protest is not too weak. A survey done to determine the popularity of Lien's visit found a 70% approval rating on the mainland. To our relief, it is a majority, yet it is not an absolute majority.
Opposition largely derives from the advocates of Taiwan independence. In light of the interests of the party, the Kuomintang, and Mr. Lien Chan, he risked much of his own interests in making the historical visit. "Mr. Lien put his own fame beyond consideration," said Mr. Shen, a member of the standing committee of the Taiwan Legislation Congress. "The Kuomintang used to lack the courage to express its will of unity, and they dared not visit the mainland for fear of losing voters. But Mr. Lien broke this terrible stalemate," Mr. Shen said.
The visit, although lasting only eight days, proved to be an epochal leap forward. After so many years, the two parties finally joined hands again, for the single fact that they both recognize themselves as Chinese, with the same blood and cultural heritage. They both realize that the country will go nowhere unless they make joint efforts to combat Taiwan independence.
The Kuomintang, whether in or out of office, has always been against Taiwan independence. However, in recent years in Taiwan, the notion of independence gained strength and spurred Chen Shuibian's rise to power.
As for Lien Chan personally, he, too, underwent some dramatic changes. His position has grown clearer and more determined. Lien had expected a sound success by the Kuomintang in the 2004 Taiwan election; the result was more than just a great surprise to him. From that moment on, Lien sensed that the danger of secession was imminent. Something had to be done. Mr. Lien called his trip "a visit of peace"; he planned it on the basis of rationality, mutual trust, and mutual respect.
Although the Kuomintang is a party out of office and may not have the administrative power to exercise the fruits of the talks, Mr. Lien's visit still takes on substantial meaning. It is this visit that makes the Chen Shuibian administration feel pressed and dilemmatic.
In this general atmosphere of peace and reconciliation, if Chen Shuibian rejects the positive results of the visit, he will put some of his supporting base at stake. In fact, some gestures on Chen's part have proven that he knows this--he has shifted from his previous claim of "bringing (those who visit the mainland) to justice," to a "wish of blessing."
Mr. Lien Chan's visit was a successful prelude. It provided an unprecedented opportunity for real cross-channel talks. When unity is no longer a demand of an individual party but of the majority, the Taiwan authorities will have no alternative but to consider the mainstream request, lest it fall into passivity.
It took 56 years to cross the strait, yet it was not too late. When we come to look at those long years of remoteness across the strait; when we come to look at the obstacles set between us by Li Denghui and Chen Shuibian; when we come to look at the crowds congregated at Taipei's Zhongzheng Airport--not to see him off, but to protest his going--we immediately sense what immense courage it required for Mr. Lien Chan to step out; and it is exactly this difficulty that makes it a step of a thousand miles.
2 Comments:
At 11:38 AM , Anonymous said...
I think this is a flawed and self-congratulating historical view. Wasn't it the Guomintang who wanted Taiwan to be recognized as the only China, the government of China?
Get over it, the Taiwanese don't consider themselves to be owned or ruled by PR China even though most of them are Chinese. They are the Republic of China with their own elected government. It's a done deal. Nothing's going to change that, not even an attack, should China attempt one, as it threatens to. Most importantly for perspective: A relationship with the KMT is not a relationship with Taipei. It is the little stone. Even so, it's wonderful that China's great civil war is symbolically reconciled with this visit. Let's hope and pray there won't be another.
At 1:38 AM , Anonymous said...
The Kuomintang, whether in or out of office, has always been against Taiwan independence.
That's right! They desire to take the place of "Chairman" Hu! If that happened would you be alright with that? That would Chinese reunification:)
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